“杀马特”:文化贫困产物 – “ShaMaTe”, a product of cultural poverty

在微博上,“杀马特”一词,一直是一个高频率用词。它音译于英文smart,意为时尚的、聪明的。但由于文化知识精英的话语垄断与价值重构,让“杀马特”从“smart”一翻译成中文,就成为了其反义词。现在在微博上流行的“杀马特”,几乎都是作为审丑狂欢下的贬义词而存在。在人们的眼中,“杀马特”们是这样一个群体:留着怪异发型,穿着夸张,佩戴古怪,浓妆艳抹,气质诡异,来自农村或城乡结合部90后青年。

 

 

但这其实是一个非常有趣的青年亚文化现象。这些被“杀马特”青年们,与去年流行起来的“洗剪吹组合”形象一起,构成了当下中国一个值得关注的群体:新生代农民工。从社会学意义上看,他们如何融入城市、被城市接纳(现在是被嘲笑),如何完成自身的个人的现代化(现在是半现代化的惊悚穿着),这关系到中国未来的社会局势。但如果从文化的角度来看的话,其实也有很多值得思考的地方,特别是与“小清新”风格的对比,能够直白地展示了中国文化多元化背后的文化区隔与文化歧视。

 

 

“杀马特”的文化特征与溯源

 

现在被视为“杀马特”的群体,他们多为农村出来的90后,中学毕业或中高职技校毕业。其在身份层次与文化价值观上,有着较为显著的特征。在其文化选择与喜好上,各种网络口水歌曲是他们的最爱。在外在上,他们的服饰是廉价的地摊货,使用的是国产山寨手机,然后用之自拍放到QQ空间,除此之外,他们的照片也有很多是照相馆拍摄,背景则通常是一块湛蓝色天空的幕布,或街头大头贴机器拍摄的大头贴。生活状态上,从学校走出后,直接离开了家里人,进入了乡镇以上的中小城市,或者大城市的城郊,租住在价格较低的民房或地下室,且是多人合租;职业上,成为理发店员工、保安、餐馆服务员、富士康这类的工厂的工人,是他们主要的就业去向,也不排除在一些灰色与黑色地带的工作,这一点和他们父辈很多都从事建筑业的苦活累活不一样,他们很难承受如此高强度的体力活。交际的圈子,也是同龄的老乡为主。当然,也延伸到网络世界,通过玩劲舞、QQ视频等,结识同龄的同兴趣爱好的网友。业余活动的地方,就是网吧、迪厅、路边大排档等。

 

 

2010年代之后的“杀马特”,倒推其文化渊源的话,应该是这样一个路径:城市里90后“脑残非主流”文化、西方的朋克、重金属等青年亚文化,也就是说,杀马特是受到了2000—2010这十年间的城市90后非主流文化的传染(这批人现在都已经转向为小清新或卖萌的萝莉、正太了,转向都市美男,男子阴柔化,韩版小男生),而非主流文化则沿袭自欧美国家的青年亚文化。

 

但到了“杀马特”这里,这种青年亚文化,不再是非主流的叛逆,更不是国外那种标新立异、要展示反叛性的重金属风格(给人一种夸张的、歇斯底里、狂躁的感觉)、哥特文化(在文化上的表征就是以黑暗、阴郁、野蛮、死亡为题材的文学、艺术现象,再具体形容就是黑暗的恐惧、死亡的悲伤、禁忌的爱、彻底的痛苦带来的美感),它并没有对主流文化进行“弑父”。因此,可以说,“杀马特”与国外非主流的青年亚文化,没有多少相似之处。相反,他们的这个形象,是试图接近主流的一次失败的努力。“杀马特”们努力构建一个自心目中理解的城市人形象,然后试图模仿之,在相似的群体中形成一种风潮。他们一直在试图接近城市文化,成为他们的一员,将cosplay(角色扮演)生活化,努力模仿日本视觉系的动漫形象、打耳洞、染头发、性放纵、装深沉忧郁等的城市另类青年,或唯美、抒情的文艺青年(小清新)的流行做法。

 

 

但是融入这种文化,却是需要资本投入的,但对于他们来说这无疑是很奢侈的,他们的经济能力,无法实现他们想象中的生活方式,于是,夸张的外形、廉价的服饰、国产山寨手机与网吧低像素摄像头的自拍照,只能塑造出了他们现在给人呈现的形象。他们的自认的流行时尚,在众多城市人看来,却是惊悚、夸张、二逼、土气,和一个穿着劣质西装配着运动鞋的农民是一个性质,只不过是另外的一种乡土气息,是一群21世纪的“闰土”。结果,在这个消费社会,他们成为了审丑狂欢的消费品,和芙蓉姐姐、犀利哥、凤姐等一样,成为“神一般的存在”。

 

 

杀马特与小清新的区隔

 

与杀马特迥然相反的是近些年持续流行的“小清新”之风,它在青年文化形态上,与之构成了一个两极化,各处一端,绝无交叉,它们二者的差距,并非嬉皮士与雅皮士之间的差异,用当下流行的话来说,就是“矮挫丑”的屌丝与“白富美”的女神之间的距离,而这距离是卖多少个肾也难以填补的,构成了社会学大师皮埃尔·布迪厄在《区隔》所言的由“品味和趣味”区隔出的社会分层。

 

 

小清新是以接受过大学教育或正在接受大学教育的女生为主,文化形式上,主要特征是:着装上,热衷淡淡的清雅色系,布鞋、白色亚麻衬衫和长脚踝的棉布裙子、无镜片眼镜、运动装,热爱的品牌是H&M、优衣库、专卖店的耐克阿迪等,“武器”装备笔记本电脑、LOMO相机照、单反、Iphone(苹果)手机,然后照出且经过PS的唯美的、逆光的、暖色调的各种照片,喜好在校内网或者微博上报到地点、发状态、发美食照片,上星巴克、喝依云矿泉水、抱布娃娃,养宠物狗,或者表现得很喜好宠物和小孩;喜好旅游,鼓浪屿、丽江、乌镇、港澳台、境外特别是韩日欧是她们心目中的圣地;村上春树、安妮宝贝、陈绮贞、柴静、刘瑜是她们的文化偶像。她们鄙视粗俗的杀马特,也不鸟愤世嫉俗的愤青,还时不时地装个萌,发个嗲,也会对时事有些关心,但最终的落点都是在“中国人怎么了?”“这个社会是怎么了?”等浅尝辄止而又空洞无物的问题上。更多的时候,她们是沉溺在自己小圈子的世界里,“你若安好,便是晴天”、“人生若只如初见”、“默然相爱,寂静欢喜”成为她们的黄金绝句。她们很多是前几年的“非主流”转型而来的,又将“布尔乔亚”、“小资”的后备军。

 

 

“杀马特”与“小清新”作为同时存在的文化现象,但其二者权力话语完全不同,这也造成了它们截然不同的社会待见。像文化批评家张柠教授,就对小清新报以褒赏的态度与看法,认为是“一种新的审美趣味和出现”“‘小清新’一代审美趣味的重大变化,包含着对被西方启蒙文学排除在外的东方古典趣味的回归。”而最典型的是体现在官方截然不同的对待态度,杀马特是受到谴责,而小清新是无干涉或支持的,体现出了暧昧或不公正的态度。

 

 

如果说像“旭日阳刚”等时常从网络中崛起且往往能获得同情与欢迎的人物代表着一种草根文化的话,那么杀马特们就简直是“杂草文化”,他们长着人们无视的地方,长成后也是无人关注,不仅不被尊重和重视,甚至还可能面临成为要被除去的负面影响,和前段时间网上流传的网络电影《四平青年》一样,成为禁止的对象。《四平青年》它是由吉林省四平市人民剧场的一群青年二人转演员,闲暇之余拍摄的网络电影,里面充满东北土话,粗口连篇,情节恶搞。在网上流行之后,官方(四平市文化广电新闻出版局方面)的态度却异常明确,认为是“严重影响了四平市城市形象”,要求人民剧场辞退剧中所有演职人员,同时在网上删除视频。尽管客观地说,该电影粗俗不堪,但远没有造成如此严重的后果。但尽管如此,网上受欢迎,并不代表着它受到重视,相反,人们是在其背后,如同围观“杀马特”一样,只是从中获取乐趣,以及假象式地在文化上挑战官方的主流文化,这些演职人员,在大家眼里依然一群土里土气的杀马特。所以说通过这个案例可以看到,屌丝终将难以逆袭。

 

 

于是现在在微博上,被很多人关注的比如@杀马特强子、@留几手、@杀马特龙少等红人,塑造了自己“杀马特”形象,他们的微博用语中,东北土话等方言成为佐料,东北XX屯、河南驻马店、北京二拨子村等是这些微博用户的一个假想的来源地(而实际上,这些地方都是农民工流出地或居住地)。但通过其言行明显可见他们并非真正的杀马特,而是百分百的文化知识精英,只是借用或恶意使用这套语言与形象,用以嘲讽取乐,以制造网络狂欢,每一句话都将反讽进行到底,从而在文化尊严上,彻底贬低这一群体,强化了社会公众对于此群体的歧视与隔离。

 

 

文化贫民“杀马特”

 

改革开放之后,社会流动的加剧,所谓的“盲流”终于得以正名。最早进城的、生活改善起来的第一代农民工们,开始学习城里人一样,穿起了夜市地摊上购买的衣服(往往都是过时的,被城里人淘汰的样式),夹起了手提皮包,腰上也别上了手机。但社会并没有让他们真正地落脚城市。一转眼二十年过去了,他们的后代也从农村走了出来,进入到了城市。但命运又开了一次轮回的玩笑,他们的下一代,又在学习城里人样式,却成为了不农不城的“杀马特”。严格意义上说,“杀马特”们已经不再是农民了,只是户籍上,依然将他们烙印中这个身份之中,城市的城门,对于他们已经洞开,但城门之后,还有一层厚厚的挡风玻璃在隔绝着他们真正地进入。

 

 

从这个意义上来说,“杀马特”们将构成中国社会的“第三元”,他们对于父辈的农民形象来说,已经是属于光怪陆离、花枝招展的城里人了,不再是简朴、吃苦耐劳的庄家人;对于城市里人来说,他们的骨子里永远透露着乡土气息,无论多么努力展示,结果都是卸不掉身上的气质。在社会学意义上,他们成为了没有故乡、也没有未来的中国独特的城乡二元格局之外的“第三元”。在文化上,他同样面临着这种窘境,农村以异样的眼光看待他们,城市以讥讽的眼光嘲笑他们。

 

 

同时,在话语权垄断的背景下,大量的农村与中小城市的故事难以在都市媒体之上呈现,而大城市里的鸡毛蒜皮,都能够成为新闻。报纸、杂志、影视,都在一个劲地展示或奢华的或小清新的图像影响,倾销着城市消费主义膨胀的欲望。在这种耀眼光芒之下,杀马特们就成为了一群被遮蔽的群体,只有随着富士康十几连跳等情况下,才能够得以短暂的关注。他们生活在一个灰色地带,或者说是黑色幽默地带,他们的生活的那些场域,则成为文化意义上的隔离区,是低素质、混乱和危险的象征。当然,客观地说,“杀马特”所体现出来的文化,有些粗糙不堪、不伦不类,但是要看到,这绝不代表着“三俗”(低俗庸俗媚俗)。这是现状社会大背景下的结果,有限的教育背景,微薄的经济收入,残酷的生存环境以及逼仄的发展未来,他们或没有能力或没有意识在文化方面很好地提升自我,这是个人以及群体半城市化和现代化不完整的结果,于是,他们的文化形态上就成为了文化半成品,是不仅物质贫困文化也异常贫困的“文化贫民”。

 

 

因此,在小清新们过着安逸的生活,享受着父母的宠爱,沐浴着大学的书香,随心所欲地消费着的时候,不应该再以高高在上的眼光,冷冷瞟着“杀马特”,然后报以显露无疑的蔑视。他们需要的是更多的关注而非嘲讽,更多的同情而非鄙视,更多的宽容而非排斥,因为他们或许在你们还啃老的时候,就已经在无奈地靠自己的劳动,过上了漂泊异乡的打拼生活。他们正在以小清新们难以想象的艰辛,努力地成为一个真正的城里人……

 

 

刊于《南风窗》2013年第4期发表题为《“杀马特”:一个需要被了解的存在》

(发表有删减,此为完整版)

On weibo, the expression “Sha Ma Te” has become very frequent. It’s a translitteration of the English word ‘Smart’, meaning ‘stylish’. But because the cultural and intellectual elite hold a monopoly on discourse and values, from “Sha Ma Te” being the Chinese translation of “smart”, the word has come to mean the opposite. Now on weibo, the word “Sha Ma Te” has more or less become nothing but a derogatory term, referring to some sort of ugly clowns. In people’s eyes, that’s what the “Sha Ma Te” are like: young people from the 90s, generally rural areas or the urban fringe, with weird hairstyles, weird clothes, heavy makeup, and a strange attitude.

But in fact, this is a very interesting phenomenon of youth subculture. These young “Sha Ma Te”, together with the “Blow-dry style” which was popular last year, constitute a group worthy of attention in today’s China: the children of the new migrant workers. From a sociological point of view, how they integrate into the city, and how the city accepts them (at the moment, by laughing at them), how they modernise their own person (they do so now by wearing striking semi-modern clothes), this all has to do with China’s future social situation. From a cultural point of view, they also give a lot to think about. In particular, a comparison with the “fresh young thing” movement clearly shows the cultural segmentation and discrimination behind the diversification of Chinese culture.

The origin and cultural characteristics of the “Sha Ma Te“

The groups now labeled as “Sha Ma Te” are, for the most part, members of the post-90s generation coming from rural areas, who completed middle school or vocational school. In terms of identity and cultural values, they have relatively clear features. In terms of cultural choices and tastes, whatever syrupy songs circulate on the net will be their favourite. In terms of outside appearance, they wear cheap clothes, they use made-in-China fake phones, and they use them to take photos of themselves which they upload on QQ – but apart from that, many of their online photos are shot in photo studios and booths, with the background often a sky-blue curtain, or they take sticker photographs in these machines you find on commercial streets. In terms of their living conditions, immediately after finishing school, they left their family, and moved to small or middle-sized towns in their area, or moved to the suburbs of large cities, where they live in low-rent apartments or basements, sharing with many roommates. In terms of occupation, their main areas of work are as barber shop assistants, security guards, waiters, or in factories such as Foxconn, but this does not rule out them also working in grey and black areas. The point is, when many of their parents are employed in the dirty work of the construction industry, this is not the case for them, and they would find it very difficult to bear such intense manual labour. Their social circles are also composed of people of the same age from their home-town. Of course, it also extends into the online world, including dancing competition online, QQ videos, etc, where they meet other people like them who share the same interests. And they spend their leisure time at internet cafes, night-clubs, and road-side food-stalls.

This is approximately what the journey to the 2010s “Sha Ma Te” looks like, from their origin: the urban post-90s generation adopted the youth culture of the “brain-dead non-mainstream” Western punk, heavy metal and others, or in other words, the Sha Ma Te are members of the post-90s generation who received the influence of urban sub-cultures from the years 2000-201 (these have already become ‘Fresh young things’ or ‘little Lolitas’, or they’ve become metrosexual, effeminate men, Korean boy-band style), and this non-mainstream culture is an inheritance from European and American youth subculture.

But when it comes to the “Sha Ma Te”, this youth culture is no longer a rebellion against the mainstream, and even less is it this, like overseas, a kind of unconventional and ostentatiously rebellious heavy metal style (with a sense of exaggeration, hysteria, or mania) or gothic style (whose characteristics are darkness, gloom, barbarism, death as literary and artistic themes, and more specifically the fear of darkness, the sadness of death, forbidden love, and the beauty that comes from suffering), and it shows no ‘parricide’ desire towards mainstream culture. Therefore, we can say that the “Sha Ma Te” bear little resemblance with youth subcultures overseas. On the contrary, their figure is that of a failed effort to join the mainstream. The “Sha Ma Te” strive to develop an image of urban citizen as they see it in their minds, and then try to imitate that image, and form a trend in similar groups. They continually try to come close to urban culture, to become part of it: as in a kind of live role-playing game (cosplay), they strive to imitate the Japanese aesthetic codes of alternative urban youths, with images from animes, pierced ears, dyed hair, sexual ambiguity, and affected depression, or the beautiful and lyrical practices popular among young artists (fresh young things).

But to fit into this culture, you need capital investment, And for them, this is no doubt an extravagant luxury; given their economic capacity, there is no way for them to reach the lifestyle that they imagine. Therefore, hyperbolic figures, cheap clothing, fake mobile phones, and low-resolution cameras from internet cafes can only make up the image they’re now giving to others. They consider themselves fashionable, but in the eyes of many urban people, they are terrifying, exaggerated, forced, rural, like a man from the country wearing a low quality western style suit with sneakers, they’re just another version of the rural style, they’re a 21st century version of the ‘mud on your feet’. As a consequence, in this consumer society, they’ve come to represent the mad ugliness of consumerism, and like sister Furong, brother Xili, Xifeng, etc, they “prove the existence of God”.

The distinction between the “Sha Ma Te” and the “Fresh Young Things”

In utter contrast to the “Sha Ma Te” is the “Fresh Young Things” vogue, which has been continually popular in the last years. These two trends represent polar opposite forms of youth culture. They’re at both ends of a spectrum, with no overlap, the difference between these two is not that between hippies and yuppies, to use the current popular expression, but the gap between an ‘ugly dwarf’ country bumpkin and a ‘Snow White’ goddess. This is a distance you cannot bridge, no matter how many kidneys you sell. It fully relates to the social stratification determined by taste and choice of entertainment which the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu analysed in “Distinction”.

The ‘fresh young things’ are young women who received or are receiving a college education. In terms of cultural forms, the main characteristics of their style is: in terms of clothes, an obsession with pastel colour combinations, cotton shoes, white linen shirt and a long cotton skirt, glasses with no lenses, sportswear; the brands they love are H&M, UniqQlo, 专卖店的耐克阿迪等,“武器”装备笔记本电脑、LOMO相机照、单反、Iphone(苹果)手机,然后照出且经过PS的唯美的、逆光的、暖色调的各种照片,喜好在校内网或者微博上报到地点、发状态、发美食照片,上星巴克、喝依云矿泉水、抱布娃娃,养宠物狗,or manifest an overt liking for pets and children; they like travelling to Gulangyu, Lijiang, Wuzhen, Hong-Kong, Macao and Taiwan, and overseas – and in particular, Korea, Japan and Europe are their holy land; Murakami, Anne Baby, Cheer Chen, Chai Jing, and Liu Yu are their cultural icons. They despise the vulgar Sha Ma Te, they’re not entirely cynical birds, but sometimes chirp or whine, and they might show some interest in current affairs, but their final point is always some ‘so what are Chinese people like?’, ‘what is our society like?’, or similar wishy-washy questions, with nothing under the surface. Most of the time, they just stay within their own narrow circles, ‘your own good life is your own sunshine’, ‘ only furtive signs of life’, ‘silent love, silent joy’ have become their golden words of wisdom. They’ve all shifted from the ‘non-mainstream’ over the last few years, and constitute the reserve army of the ‘bourgeoisie’ and the ‘petite bourgeoisie’.

The “Sha Ma Te” and the “Fresh young things” are coexisting cultural phenomenons, but their discursive power is entirely different, which resulted in diametrically opposite social views on them. For instance, cultural critic professor Zhang Ning, expressing his attitude and opinion about the Fresh Young Things in an unsolicited testimonial, says ‘the fresh young things movement constitutes a remarkable change in generational appreciation of aesthetics, with a return to the classical taste of the East excluded by the Western enlightenment.’ But officials will typically have a completely different attitude to the Sha Ma Te, condemning them, while the Fresh Young Things receive no interference, or even support: this reflects an ambiguous or even unfair attitude.

If trends like the ‘rising sun’ (旭日阳刚) rising on the internet can often attract sympathy and be welcome as expressions of a ‘grassroots culture’, the Sha Ma Te in contrast are just a ‘weed culture’, nobody watches it grow, and no one takes care of it after it’s grown. Not only is it not respected and valued, but it may even be threatened and removed, like the short movie that recently got famous on the internet, ‘Siping Youth’, and was taken down. ‘Siping Youth’ is a web-film shot by a group of young actors from Siping City’s People Theatre in their spare time. It’s full of northern dialect, foul speech and rudeness. After it became popular online, the attitude of the officials (from the Siping Culture, Press and Publications Bureau) was very clear: they considered that the film ‘seriously affected the image of Siping City’, and demanded the dismissal of all the actors from the City Theatre, as well as deleting the video from the internet. Although objectively speaking, the movie is vulgar, it has had no serious consequence so far. And yet, if it received a welcome online, it’s not that it received serious attention, but on the contrary, people are just making fun of it, like they do with the Sha Ma Te, and if they try to challenge mainstream culture through exaggeration, this cast of actors is still seen by everyone as a group of rural Sha Ma Te. So we can see from this example that country bumpkins have a hard time striking back.

So now, on weibo, profiles followed by many people like @ShaMaTeStrongguy (@杀马特强子), @LiuJiShou (@留几手), @ShaMaTe-RedDragon (@杀马特龙少等红人) are crafting their image as “Sha Ma Te”, they season their weibo messages with Dongbei dialect, XX-town in DongBei, Zhumadian in Henan, such and such outer village in Beijing municipality are the invented locations of these accounts (and in fact, these places are actually where many migrant workers come from, or reside). But from their words and actions, it is very clear that they’re not really Sha Ma Te, but pure products of the cultural and intellectual elite. They just borrow or use this language maliciously, in order to mock and ridicule them, as a form of online carnival. In the end, all their words are ironic, and therefore, in terms of cultural dignity, they completely belittle this group, strengthening public prejudice towards then, and increasing their isolation.

“Shamate” and poverty culture

After the reform and opening, and increased social mobility, the so-called “blind flow” (NDT: migrations from rural to urban areas) finally stood up to its name. The first generation of migrant workers who moved to the city looking for a better life began to learn what city people were like, and wore people they purchased on the night market stalls (and these are often outdated, city people think of them as out of style), they picked up a laptop bag, and put a mobile phone on their waist. But society did not allow them to really settle in the city. Twenty years passed in a flash, and their descendants from the countryside came down in turn, and also came to the city. But fate played some sort of reincarnation joke, and the new generation, learning the ways of city people again, became these neither-country-no-city “Sha Ma Te”. Strictly speaking, the “Sha Ma Te” are no longer from the country, and this identity is only just imprinted on their residence permits: the gates of the city are wide open to them. But after the gates, there is still a thick layer of isolating material between them and the city proper.

In this sense, the “Sha Ma Te” constitute the “third state” of Chinese society: in the eyes of their farming fathers, they’ve already become bizarrely and gorgeously dressed city people, they’re no longer simple, hard-working country people. But in the eyes of city people, their bones forever retain the smell of the country, and no matter how hard they try to cover it, their body still reveals its original spirit. In a sociological sense, they’ become a ‘third state’ with no hometown and no future, outside of the distinctive rural-urban binary pattern characteristic of China. And culturally, they are faced with the following dilemma, that people from the country see them as strange, and people from the city mock them sarcastically.

At the same time, in a context of monopoly on the right to speak, many stories from villages and small or medium cities can’t make it to the media of major cities, but even trivial matters from the big city become news. Newspapers, magazines, film and television keep presenting the image of luxury brands or of the ‘Fresh young things’, promoting the expansion of urban consumerism. And in this blinding light, the Sha Ma Te as a group are left in the shade, only when Foxconn gives them some air time do they, temporarily, become a topic of concern. They live in a gray area, or a zone of black humour. From a cultural perspective, their lives are quarantined, they are the symbols of low-quality, confusion and danger. Of course, objectively speaking, what is reflected of the “Sha Ma Te” culture has some rough, neither this nor that elements. But if you look deeper into it, this is not a case of ‘the three vulgarities’ (vulgar-lowly, vulgar-common and vulgar-seductive) (低 俗 庸 俗 媚 俗). This is the result of the current social status quo: with limited educational background, poor income, a cruel living environment and limited development opportunities for the future, they are not able or even aware of the possibility to improve themselves culturally. This is the result of the semi-urbanisation and incomplete modernisation of individuals and groups, and so their culture has taken the shape of a culture of semi-finished products, it is not only a culture that is materially poor, but an abnormal “culture of poverty”.

For that reason, the ‘fresh young things’ who enjoy a comfortable life, enjoy the favor of their parents, bathe in the culture of university education, and can consume as they wish, should not look down with cold eyes on the “Sha Ma Te”, and display unmasked contempt for them. What they need is more attention, not ridicule; more sympathy, not contempt; more tolerance, not exclusion. Because, while you’re still eating on the back of your parents, they must already rely on their own labour, reluctantly, and live a tough life in a foreign land. But in fact, they’re just fresh young things, and through unimaginable hardships, they’re making efforts to become real city people…

Published in the 4th issue of “Southern Wind” 2013 as “Sha Ma Te, a phenomenon we must understand”.

(Published in abridged version, this is the entire text)

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‘Shamate’: China had hipsters before they were coolMarco Polo Project blogreply
August 6, 2014 at 10:04 am

[…] “杀马特”:文化贫困产物 – “ShaMaTe”, a product of cultural poverty […]

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